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ACTION
FOR UN RENEWAL
The
campaign for the reform of the United Nations
97 Commercial Road,
London
E1 1RD
Email:
vijay@vmpeace.org
Tel: 020 7377 2111 Fax:
020 377 2999 Website:
action-for-un-renewal.org.
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Newsletter |
Spring 2008 |
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BBC World
Interviews: Vijay Mehta |
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On the opening of the climate change conference, Bali, Indonesia |
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BBC: I
gather you are writing a book called Climate Change 365 which will be
published later this year. I believe 365 stands for 1 idea for each day of
the year to save the planet from global warming. So what are your
ideas?
VM:
Climate change is a huge issue and it has to be dealt in a concerted way by
us all. 365 ideas in the book are based on mitigation, adaptation and
conservation. They are divided among individuals, NGOs, civil society,
United Nations, businesses and philanthropy. All of them have to do their
bit to avert the climate change crisis.
BBC: We individuals are overwhelmed and confused and not sure what to do.
So what specific ideas does your book present for us?
VM: Some
of the initiatives individuals can take are conserving water, planting
trees, recycling waste, protecting forests, travelling by public transport,
using hybrid cars …. The list goes on and on. By following the ideas in the
book we can salvage the planet together. One of the specific idea is for
individuals to form climate change 365 clubs in each and every
neighbourhood, village, town and city to implement the initiatives in the
book.
BBC: What is your message to the delegates gathered at the Bali
conference in Indonesia?
VM:
I have a number of things which the conference in Bali should try to
achieve.
Firstly, we need to agree to a new global climate change protocol – a new
treaty, a successor to Kyoto which can be called Kyoto 2. The main part of
the treaty should be a legally binding greenhouse gas reduction targets, up
to 60-80 per cent to avoid temperature rise above 2°C. The new climate
change treaty should be based on the model of Montreal Protocol which has
been the most successful environmental treaty. Once such model exist in
Costa Rica where 1/3 of the country is being used as biological reserves and
protected areas and has an ambitious target of attaining carbon neutral
status by 2030 - a worthy example to follow. Thirdly, we need to make the
most polluting countries, like the US, China, India, and Brazil who are out
of the Kyoto agreement to be part of the new climate change treaty.
Fourthly, the people who will be most affected by climate change are the
poor. So to avert the worse effects on the poor the new climate change
treaty should have a stand-by facility of $100 billion for the next 10 years
for helping the poor and vulnerable countries, failing which countries of
the Pacific Islands and ones with a low-lying delta, like Bangladesh, will
disappear from the planet. Another facility of $50 billion a year for the
next 10 years should be deployed for revolutionary scientific and
technologically based clean energy sources for averting the full blast of
global warming. Lastly, I advocate that the new treaty should have a global
environmental index to measure and monitor the progress of countries who
fail to act on mitigation, adaptation and conservation.
BBC: So what is your final
message for saving the planet?
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ACT UN public meeting
“The Protection
and Promotion of Human Rights and the Role of the United Nations”
Speaker:
Geoffrey Robertson QC
AGM
– 2.00 pm
Public meeting - 3.00 pm
Saturday 23rd February 2008
Friends House, 173 Euston Road, London
All welcome. Free.
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VM: We are all in it together facing the gravest
challenge ever confronted by mankind. The world needs a new vision,
collective leadership, political momentum and a Marshall Plan, the like
of which we had after the Second World War to tackle climate change.
So we have to make a concerted effort – politicians, entrepreneurs,
philanthropists and celebrity activists - to act
together and save the planet for our children,
grandchildren and future generations. The outlook is grim but there are
rays of hope to save humanity and civilization from extinction. I
hope the delegates at the Bali conference agree to make a leap forward
by agreeing these groundbreaking proposals.
BBC: Thank you very much, and good luck with the book. |
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'Bringing Democracy to Burma -
What can the UK Government do to promote and implement the rule of law and
the UN Charter?'
Rt Hon Lord Peter Archer QC
Anna Roberts (The Burma Campaign UK)
John Rowley (Gandhi Foundation)
4th December 2007
House of Lords, London
Chair: Vijay Mehta
Report by our member, James B.
Thring
Vijay Mehta
introduced the title; to highlight the failings of UK Foreign Policy which
had weakened the authority of international law. Some of the issues had
been addressed by previous UN Reform speakers such as Carne Ross and
Professor Schwartzberg. He intended to produce action points to take
up with the UK Foreign Office. He also wanted to call on Burma's
neighbours to help, such as China.
Anna Roberts:
'Recent Events in Burma & Campaign Response'
She had helped set up the Burma
Campaign in 1991, resulting from the Burma Democracy Movement. The recent
demonstration was the biggest in Burma since 1988. It demanded an end to
military rule. It had grown from small protests in mid August against the
Regime's raising of prices [presumably because of US sanctions]. Fuel had
risen by 400% making travel impossible for the poor. Even rice was too
expensive. The protest was led by students from the '88 protest. But
crackdown was swift. Houses were raided. Some are still in prison. Then
Monks came out in September, especially in
Mandalay. But they
were beaten and fired on by the military. Some Monks took Regime officials
hostage in exchange for prisoner releases. There were 100,000 on the
streets until the Regime banned demo's of more than 5. 20,000 troops raided
52 Monasteries using live fire and tear gas. 200 people were killed, though
the official figure was only 10. 2,000 Monks were arrested and faced
torture. Hospitals were ordered not to treat protesters. Women's groups
went to Suleh and to see Ann San Suu Kyi. The Army was building a new
offensive in ethnic areas.
The answer was
peaceful struggle and dialogue. They had asked the international community
to help economically and politically by embargoing oil and gas exports. The
EU had responded weakly, banning gems and timber imports. The US had given
strongest support to the Democracy Movement, putting sanctions on banking
since 1997. The UN has no strategy for Burma. The UNSC first discussed it
in 1995 to kick-start negotiations between the Regime and Ann San Suu Kyi.
But the Regime cannot be coaxed to debate. A UN Resolution needs to force
Burma towards democracy.
John Rowley 'Should we even
think about introducing democracy?'
A Trustee
of the Gandhi Foundation, he had tried to bring democracy to Burma. Tried a
tv documentary. Had
Third, we can apply economic
sanctions. This must have UN consensus. The worse the regime the easier it
is to condemn. Even China has come round since August. The EU has more
people now but that has led to weaker action. But it has at least frozen
Burmese assets in Europe. Britain has banned investment and financial
services to Burma. Tourism should also be discouraged
Fourth, the International
Criminal Court [ICC] could be used. He had campaigned for it. It was doing
a good job. But great care is needed in preparing cases. They must be
crimes against humanity. It is possible to get convictions without the
presence of the accused. It can effectively ban individuals from travelling
[for fear of arrest].
What action can we take?
1) It is worth writing to your
MP. But praise government for what it is doing.
2) International action. Military action is an option, not to impose
outside will but to remove the Junta.
3) The UN Security Council can act but not inside a country. This is
because the 30 Years' War devastated Europe and they said it must never
happen again. So the Treaty of Westphalia, signed in 1648, gave sovereign
Princes security in their own borders, within which they could not be
molested. This remains a basis of international law. Therefore Bush has no
right to invade Burma, either over WMD or human rights. If there is a
threat to regional peace we have to trust in the Security Council. Chapter
VII Article 41 of the Charter allows the SC to 'use all means necessary
short of armed force'. The UN should operate an arms embargo. If that does
not work the SC may 'take action by land, sea or air to restore
international peace and security'. Any UNSC Member can use their veto.
The SC only has military powers if used for peace, not for human rights, and
only when all other measures have failed.
Kosovo is an example where mass murder, torture and oppression
were rampant. There was no UN agreement on what to do. NATO therefore
intervened. International lawyers complained about the illegality of the
attack. The UN Secretary General Kofi Anan said in his statement in 1999:
"It was clear that enforcement without Security Council authorization
threatens the very security sought". Kofi Annan said in 2000: "Not
even security shields crimes against humanity". Armed intervention to
stop mass murder is not an option.
The Canadian Commission on
Sovereignty declared: 'The Primary duty to protect human rights falls on
government, then on the Security Council if that fails'. What if the SC
fails?
Who decides? Let's hope not President Bush! If we use the rule-based
approach it leads to endless debates in the Security Council and
horse-trading over support. We need quicker procedures. There are thus two
things we need to do:
1) Argue for abolition of the
veto.
2) Establish clear rules when intervention with SC initiative is
appropriate.
If you
mention Burma, Ministers' eyes light up. If you mention UN reform they
glaze over. Al Gore last Saturday said: "You can try for years, then
suddenly a change in
Whatever one’s opinion of the
current state of the European Union, at least it was specifically designed
to be able to evolve: it has evolved and will continue to evolve over time
through the political pressures of its different peoples. The creation,
development and increasing power of the European Parliament is a continuing
improvement in democracy in the institution. The European Project has been
effective at transforming Europe from a group of states entirely at war into
a powerful political and economic regional force. Certainly, it still has
its deficiencies, as does any organisation, but its proof of effectiveness
is that it is a powerfully attractive institution to those outside it.
Yet an improved United Nations
does not have to be modelled upon the European Union; on the contrary, we
now have the technology and collective global wisdom and experience to aim,
and achieve, far better for us all. There are those who dismiss the idea of
a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly as ‘just another talking shop’: they
are not interested in remedying the UN’s “democratic deficit,” or in
building greater global democracy. They are those who want to hang onto
there own little outdated fiefdoms of power and influence, rather than join
the global revolution to improve the way the world is run. It is striking,
though, how even those who oppose the idea, invariably acknowledge that
there is a sense of inevitability that such a body will be created
“sometime”. So the debate is already not about ‘whether’, but about ‘when’.
Why don’t we just get on with it?
Well, some of us have been
getting in with it. Over the last 3 years we have established a Campaign for
the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly (www.UNPAcampain.org)
with regular committee meetings in Switzerland. This campaign has snowballed
in support over the last year, in particular. Full details of the
development of the campaign are available on the website but, in summary,
there are now over 1500 people from 113 countries who have signed up to the
International Appeal for a UNPA, including 418 Members of Parliament (16
from the UK), 106 civil society groups and 126 Professors. The support
transcends most boundaries of national, party, and ethnic groupings. Support
for the idea comes from previous UN Secretaries-General, ex-Prime Ministers
as well as past and current Cabinet Ministers and Parliamentarians around
the world.
The Campaign was formally
launched worldwide in the spring of 2007, with almost simultaneous launches
in ten countries across five continents: Europe, Africa,
North America, South America and
Asia. In London, the Rt Hon Clare Short hosted the launch in the Houses of
Parliament, with prominent support for the Appeal from the leadership of the
Liberal Democrats and from senior MEPs.
In
the autumn of 2007, a cross-party group of four senior MEPs launched their
booklet promoting the cause within the European Parliament. The European
Parliament as a whole had previously resolved to support the idea in June
2005. In October 2007, the Pan-African Parliament also resolved to “take the
initiative” in support of a UNPA. So between the European Union and the
Pan-African Parliament, the highest regional levels of the democratic
representatives of “We the Peoples” have resolved to work towards the
establishment of
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come to Burma via an
international conference on Tibet. He had written to the Regime but was
denied diplomatic access.
'Democracy' def: 'Citizens are the source of political power, for
whom it should be exercised. Citizens normally elect representatives [to
exercise their power]'.
Should we promote it? Only
if it can be shown to be doing good, judged by 3 yardsticks:
1) Moral; it dignifies
self-worth; enables people to shape affairs, feel valued.
2) Political; people require
politicians to be self-critical, have respect for law and human rights.
3) Prudential; all political
systems are subject to corruption. Democracy checks power by conditional
safeguards against corruption. Everyone has a duty to promote democracy.
Oppression affects us all as responsible citizens. Right to national
autonomy. If rulers usurp human rights they may be removed. Force may only
be used in response to threats. How to sustain democracy in a climate of
chaos and forced elections. ?
The EU model of international
democratic institutions gives access to large markets. It reinforces against
international influence and financial pressure. Tough negotiations make the
process successful.
How can the UN reform Burma?
Western power is used for safety of capitalism. The UN must act now. The
BBC has two broadcasts a day on Burma. It contains no government messages.
It could widen the number of languages it transmits in. If all finance
houses stopped trading with Burma it would have an impact. Outsiders have
no understanding. If China declines to cooperate there will be more
vacancies in Guantanamo Bay.
Our government has learned
lessons from Iraq as the Foreign Office has proposed a recovery plan for
Burma. The first meeting about it will be in Washington.
Vijay Mehta
thanked the speaker, quoting Churchill's sarcastic comment on democracy that
it was bad but the best form of government we have.
He introduced the next speaker
as founder and President of the Fabian Society, President of the One World
Trust and the World Disarmament Campaign amongst many others.
Lord
Peter Archer: We have
heard of famine, persecution, ethnic cleansing and torture in Burma.
What do we do about it?
First, we can protest. He was
not uncritical of the Labour government but felt we should encourage it for
what it does right whilst criticizing its failures. DFID had given £9
million for the Burma Relief Fund. The aid was not to go via government. It
was for feeding the NGO's.
Second, we can use diplomatic
representation. Even the most tyrannical governments want to be loved!
perception occurs." A good example is that France and Germany no longer
invade each other. The UN has success in intervention.
The 19th Century Zeitgeist or
'spirit of the times' makes it possible to get through, if someone presses
the right button. Could we agree to press it?
Vijay: We should freeze assets as the EU has done. We should also use the
ICC. He proposed James should write up the speeches for circulation for
comments and then send a consensus to the Foreign Office, or make up a
statement for speakers to forward to the FCO.
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Moving Towards a United Nations
Parliament
Gordon
Glass
One of the main objectives of
ACT-UN must be to work towards improvement and effectiveness of global
decision-making within the United Nations system. Much of the UN system
functions laudably well, on a relative shoestring, through the unsung work
of very many people who are firmly dedicated to its international principles
of improving international relations, international operations and the
position of those who live in sub-standard conditions. Being ongoing and
positive, this development work invariably does not receive the global media
coverage that it deserves.
However, it is in the field of
the UN’s primary responsibility: the maintenance of international Peace and
Security, that the system has become so clearly dysfunctional. It is too
easy to blame the more powerful nation states who want to do things their
own way in their frustration at the ineffectiveness of decision-making:
there must be unanimous agreement amongst member states that the system is
dysfunctional and that the Security Council is central to the problems.
Almost two decades of attempts to “reform” the UN have achieved little
improvement in practice: the system has demonstrated that, as is often the
case with systems, it cannot change itself – and it needs pressure and
assistance from outside itself.
There is only one superpower
with greater authority than the United Nations, and that is the Voice of
Global Public Opinion, or the power of “We the Peoples…”, in whose name the
UN was established. “We the Peoples” of the world need to remind the member
states of the world that they were established to be in the service of the
people as a whole, not just of themselves nor of their own favoured clique
of supporters. It is “We the People”, acting together, who have the power to
change the United Nations – and the world. We cannot rely upon anyone else
to do it for us! Unfortunately the United Nations was specifically designed
in the 1940s to enable a few victorious member states to retain their power
in perpetuity. This no longer works in our interconnected, interdependent
and globalised world of the 21st century. “We the Peoples” urgently need our
own collective voice within the UN, in the form of a UN Parliamentary
Assembly. The UN is now, in our region of the world at least, the last level
of governance which does not have a parliament. And it shows!
a UNPA. Together they represent the peoples of 80 member states of the
United Nations – that is over 40%. It is no accident that parliamentarians
working internationally support the desire for a United Nations Parliament:
they see the clear need for it.
Also last autumn, we organised
a meeting of invited campaigners at the UN in Geneva which was attended by
30 people from 18 countries, including 6 parliamentarians from 4 continents.
This consolidated the progress made so far and developed policies and
strategies for the future.
Also, last summer, the BBC ran
an opinion poll in a number of countries around the world. This demonstrated
that, in general overall, global opinion was split about 50-50% between
those who supported the idea of a UNPA and those who did not. This kind of
split had also been noted previously in an informal poll of NGOs by Civicus.
Such a split of public opinion can been seen across other issues and in
national elections.
It seems as though the world
stands at a crossroads of global public opinion between whether the world
should aim for the highest and best that mankind might achieve collectively,
or whether we should all defend our own petty individual selves against such
a future vision and keep the world floundering aimlessly in our present
limited circumstances – or worse. After all, if we don’t know where we are
going, we might well end up where we don’t want to be! We can certainly
design a better way to manage our world – and we can get on with it! But we
need everyone’s help and support – and even donations. Please tell others,
sign up to the Appeal and support the cause at
www.UNPAcampaign.org.
John Linton
Still inspiring us
John
is 96 years old and the award of which he is most proud is that of honorary
life member of the United Nations Association.
John joined the UNA in 1947 and
held various positions culminating in chair of Oxford UNA.
Though he is no longer active,
he is still keenly interested in everything to do with the UN, and feels
very strongly that we need UN, and not US, world hegemony.
His main interest in life has
been India. He served in the Indian Army during the Second World War. He
became head of BBC Indian language programmes. He also worked for a time at
the BBC Monitoring Service in Caversham.
He is an MA (Oxon) and has
family connections with the University going back to the 18th
Century. Two of his great grandfathers were canons of Christchurch.
Nowadays he is interested in
Quaker matters and according to his friend Ruth Barker he began the
Universalist, an international Quaker organisation.
C
Langdon
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Whither Peace or war in Sri Lanka
– A land under siege
Luckshan Abeysuriya
Human rights campaigner
Author of ‘Bosnia and the Srebrenica Tragedy.’
I recently returned from my
mother country, Sri Lanka, after a short visit for the cricket. Only cricket
success is a ‘god-send’ for the beleaguered peoples of Sri Lanka. It is now
nearly 25 years in July 1983 where Sinhalese mobs went on the rampage –
killing and setting fire to Tamil homes in Colombo.
That was not the start, but the
real escalation of the cruel and brutal ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka which
has its roots in 1956 when the Nationalist/chauvinistic government of Mr
Solomon Bandaranaike introduced the laconic measures of Sinhala only policy
which deeply disturbed the ethnic harmony of Sri Lanka, and also amendments
to the constitution in 1971 to enshrine Buddhism as the principle religion.
In addition to ethnic mistrust,
the island after the colonial era suffered from endemic poverty, social and
economic hardship, the political elites on the majority – Sinhalese side
have been corruption, inept and in many cases exploited the masses
parcelling them into narrow caste, class, and ethno-religious boxes.
The Tamil tiger Elam movement
grew from a once defensive minority organisation into a virulent and
dangerous terrorist organisation perfecting mass suicide bombing, political
assassinations against both their own rivals and the Sinhalese. History of
Sri Lanka is full of conflicts and battles between Tamil ‘marauders from
South India and Southern kings like Dutugemunu the great who liberated Sri
Lanka from Tamil hegemony in 2nd century BC which was the dawn of
the great Arunudhpuna millennia.
The mistrust and suspicious of
the Tamil people, 18% against the majority of the population opposing a
nationalistic majority of over 72% of the population has led since 1983 for
the most horrendous violation of International Human Rights standards in the
island, over 75,000 killed nearly 2 million refugees and internally
displaced people, torture being endemic, disappearance and extra-judicial
killings which is a blot on the once peace-loving Buddhist country.
How has even the Buddhist
clergy – nearly 78% people are Buddhist which preach Anhimsa (peace) and
tolerance have become chauvinistic culprits of war and mistrust? The
politicians in Sri Lanka have not worked together for ethnic harmony and
used the war as an excuse of power and exploited nationalism and the
Buddhist clergy to be their cats-paw.
Many
eminent Sri Lankan politicians have been assassinated and the killing and
violence continues, the war is an excuse for not developing the country (28%
of the national income goes for defence) as unemployment and youth
disenfranchisement is worsening the ethnic conflict. The have been several
peace offers and ceasefire agreements, the last one negotiated by the now
Opposition Leader Ranil
We also
listened to Beethoven's Violin Sonata, "Kreutzer" the third movement,
recorded in 1941, and to Spike Jones and his City Slickers "You'll always
hurt the one you love."
We
concluded by singing peace songs.
Tributes
were given by Tony Benn and Jeremy Corbyn.
Tony Benn
pointed out how he and Jim were both in the same generation, they had both
served in the RAF, they were both aware of the resonances of the UN
declaration, we the peoples of the world uniting together against the
scourge of the war.
Benn
paid tribute to Jim Addington's role in seeking to maintain the ideals of
the UN.
Jeremy
Corbyn described Jim as a Teacher, who we should hearken to.
He
described his earlier associations with him in the 1980's and them seeking
to push Britain to a non aligned foreign policy, to expose the absurdity of
UK foreign policy being tied up and linked in to every pointless imperial
adventure of the USA.
Many
contributors referred not only to the generality of Jim's interests, but
particularly to his writings in various peace organs including his regular
contributions to The Morning Star, and a suggestion was made, (one I totally
approve of) that his writings be collated and put together in a book.
Bruce
Kent spoke of Jim as a caring person, unfailingly courteous, always
interested in people.
Kate
Hudson of CND described Jim as "very decent, a fair-minded person, of great
principle, of great warmth and great humour, always with a smile on his
face. . He gave me wise counsel, he gave of his best on complex issues, I
knew that he wd always give a fair view."
Lindsey
German sent a message (being unwell and unable to attend personally) and
stated the Stop the War movement at their last assembly had held one minutes
silence in memory of Jim.
Jim
represented the best of the Stop the War movement said Lindsey.
David
Wardle of UNA said how Jim was always popping up at meetings to ask
embarrassing questions and never let a good answer to one prevent him from
asking another question.
He was
the one the Chairman always had to watch, who, coming into the hall with a
conspiratorial grin on his face had already leafleted the seats before the
audience arrived, and before anyone could stop him.
Walter
Wolfgang said Jim had kept his vision whole.
The
message which Jim Addington has left behind for all of us, is that his
perception, that the pursuit of nuclear
Photos
from ‘A Celebration of Jim’s Life’
6th
November 2007

Tony Benn,
Rosemary Addington, Vijay Mehta (right-left)

Bruce Kent, Linda Malvern, Vijay Mehta, Rosemary
Addington (left-right)

Kingston Choral Society
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Wickramasinghe of the United
National Party with the LTTE, in December 2002-3 is now officially abandoned
by the present Rajapakse government.
The efforts of the Norwegians
and the International Community and the work of the cease fire monitoring
mission is now leaving the island, 16th January 2008, as there is
not no truce or CFA to monitor. The country is fast drifting into full scale
war, where the present president and his security advisors are going for a
military solution – like liberating the Tamil areas from the yet powerful
Tamil Tigers who have a quasi-internal administration in those remote areas.
Intensification of war is not
the answer, a peace solution is still possible, what is lacking is trust,
respect and the will for peace after thousands of years of quasi separation
of the Tamil elites who want a 2 state solution which is not only viable but
is full of tension and enormous practical problems.
Human rights adherence is much
to be desired in Sri Lanka, until the political elites, the clergy, security
forces and the Tamil rebel forces under pin their campaigns based on respect
for the UDHR and other UN human rights standards, there is little prospect
of lasting peace and goodwill in this beautiful and tragic island where
separation and not cohesion is amongst the principle ethnic communities.
Cricket and cricketers are
multi-ethnic and its development in the villages could be a ha-bringer of
peace in the island but it is a long term aspiration, not the country is
gearing for full scale senseless war.
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A
Celebration of Jim Addington’s Life
William
Spring and Vijay Mehta
Something like 150 people crowded into The Friends Meeting House, London,
opposite Euston Station, the venue for the Jim Addington Memorial meeting,
which I attended last night, 6th November 2007. Jim died earlier this year
in Polperro, Cornwall aged 82.
Vijay
Mehta, in his introduction to the evening, talked about the character and
essence of Jim’s life, his belief in upholding the three pillars of the UN –
maintenance of international peace and security, protection of human rights
and nuclear disarmament. The lesson of Jim’s life is safeguarding the ideals
of multilateralism, the rule of law and compliance of international
treaties.
The
evening started with members of the Kingston Choral Society sang The Silver
Swan by Orlando Gibbons and If Music be The Food of Love by Henry Purcell.
Dr Brian
Latchem introduced the 1st movement of his own composition "Organ Impromptu"
in memory of Jim, and Laurie Bielby performed on the clarinet Stranger on
the Shore and Petite Fleur.
disarmament and conflict resolution in respect of the wars going on in Iraq,
Afghanistan etc, are all pieces of the same thing.
Too many
in the past have had a compartmentalised view.
Now we
see the issue as one. (Walter Wolfgang echoed Litvinov: "Peace is
indivisible.")
There
were a number of other speakers, not including me, or Dr James Thring, who
sat next to me.
I had
never been to a humanist memorial meeting before.
I had
heard of them, and imagined them to be rather gloomy affairs, with perhaps
10 or so people sitting around a table looking glum.
But this
was very jolly.
If I had
said anything about Jim I wd have said how for me Jim moved, quite
unobtrusively, from being a contact, to being an acquaintance, to being a
guide, and then, on the very borders of, and unawares, having crossed over
into friendship, seven years or so since we first spoke, he ceased to be.
In the
closing remarks, Rosemary and Vijay thanked all the friends and colleagues
who talked about Jim’s various achievements in campaigning, his love of
music, walking and climbing.
Vijay
concluded by reading a poem of an 83 year old lady who kept the poem on the
wall in her bedroom which was discovered by her niece.
I WELCOME
THIS NEW DAY. IT IS MINE TO SHAPE AND TO MOLD.
This is a new day, mine to use, to fill, to live as I see fit. How it
unfolds is up to me. The choice is mine.
I can be miserable, or I can have a great day.
I can doubt, I can have fear or I can have faith.
I can feel depressed, or I can express the joy that is inherent within me.
I can fear, or I can trust myself, others, God.
I can complain about aches and pains, or I can affirm God’s perfect life
within me.
I can dwell on loss, or I can seek new interests, new joy in living.
I can criticize others, or I can accept and bless them and enjoy happy and
harmonious relationships.
I can harbor old grudges, or I can forgive.
I can
speak of lack, or I can affirm God’s never-failing supply.
I can give
up, or I can make a fresh start.
I can go it alone, or I can depend on God.
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Jeremy Corbyn MP, Linda Malvern, Vijay Mehta
(left-right)



Rosemary
Addington
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Book Review:
European
Security in the Post-Soviet Age: The case against NATO
Frank Jackson
Co-chair, WDC
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As its sub-title suggests,
this book looks at an aspect of US imperialism that is not often analysed:
NATO as the vehicle for that imperialism as opposed to the more common
perception as simply directed against the Soviet Union.
Graham Hallett is a retired
lecturer and a former Research Fellow of the Alexander von Humboldt
Foundation. He believes that the Founding Fathers of the USA made a
crucial contribution to democracy with the separation of the executive and
legislature, and a written constitution, and considers anti-Americanism to
be the most heinous political sin in
Britain today.
Although apparently somewhat ambivalent about NATO at first, once it had
been formed it seemed to him that as long as the Soviet Army was on the
Elbe, it was
sensible to keep it. CND never attracted him, although he has now joined
it. His criticisms, therefore, may carry more weight than those of most
“peaceniks”.
In the immediate post-war
situation, British and American policy was based on a gross exaggeration
of Soviet military power and a belief that there really was an intention
on the part of the Soviets to over-run Western Europe. NATO was therefore
set up in such a way as to make Europe a US protectorate. The subsequent
developments are summarised and analysed succinctly. The creation of NATO
did nothing to support democracy in Western Europe; the argument that NATO
caused the absence of war in Europe from 1945 to 1990 is questionable.
America’s many wars since 1945
are described, dividing them into large wars, small wars and covert
operations, and including a table of war deaths going back to the American
Revolution for comparison. Three chapters are devoted to the break-up of
Yugoslavia, Bosnia and Kosovo. A catalogue of errors, misleading reports
and bad faith emerges. The current impasse over Kosovo’s future status is
a not surprising outcome.
The concept of “humanitarian
intervention” is examined and a number of examples judged under various
criteria. The author concludes “that military intervention has done
incomparably more harm than non-intervention, and is appropriate only in
very exceptional cases.”
The “war on terror” is shown
to be a catastrophic blunder, based on delusions and lies. Hallett traces
this both to the effects of unconstrained power, but also to a strain of
Messianism in American society. In its pursuit of global hegemony, the US
has changed NATO from a defensive to an aggressive organisation. “With its
rejection of the UN Charter and endorsement of aggressive war NATO has
become a criminal organisation.” And the European members of NATO have
become “vassal states”.
Finally, Hallett quotes with
approval the late Frank Blackaby, Abolition 2000 President and World
Disarmament Campaign (WDC) Vice-President, on “Alternative Futures”.
This essay forecast exactly what has happened, and posed the
alternative of a law-based future. A number of essential elements of this
are spelt out, but without much hope of them being implemented. But
perhaps if Gordon Brown could be persuaded to read this book, he might
modify his view of “our closest ally”.
‘European Security in the
post-Soviet age: the case against NATO,’
Graham Hallett, The Ebor
Press, York, pbk £8.99 ISBN 978-1-85072-358-5
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